What can be done to eradicate football violence?

THEORIES abounded yesterday as to the causes of hooliganism and how to tackle it, in the wake of Saturdays’ riots after the football match between AEL of Limassol and Nicosia powerhouse APOEL.

In the violence that erupted after the final whistle, 27 people were injured (11 fans and 16 policemen) and six were placed under arrest. In the aftermath, Limassol’s Tsirio stadium and the surrounding area resembled a war zone: the ground lay strewn with large chunks of concrete, sticks and metal rods, used as weapons by the enraged mob.

Yet for all the disturbances, the gravity of the phenomenon was brought home by the death of a MMAD (Mobile Rapid Reaction Unit) officer Marios Malekos, who suffered a heart attack while escorting a colleague whose face had been smashed by a stone. It was the first football-related fatality on the island, even if indirect.

The precise circumstances of the incident are hazy, but it appears that after the end of the game a group of home supporters, waiting to be let out of the stadium, had a verbal altercation with police officers that soon degenerated into all-out warfare. Up until then, everything had gone smoothly: there was nothing controversial about the match, no bad calls from the referee, and the 1-1 draw left both teams’ fans satisfied.

That in turn led to the hypothesis that the problem lay in the build-up to the game. Throughout the preceding week, fans from the opposing camps had been taunting each other on internet websites. AEL and APOEL supporters have a long-running vendetta, with an element of Limassol versus the capital thrown into the mix.

As reasons were being sought for the violence, some blamed the police for poor handling of the situation and provoking the crowds; others said hooliganism was a broader social phenomenon; and there were those who chose to point the finger at AEL club chairman Ayis Agapiou.

Agapiou, who is also a prominent deputy of the communist party AKEL, was accused of making incendiary comments during the week. He had become embroiled in a spat with the Referees’ Union after insinuating that officials were biased and hell-bent on stripping his club of points.
Things escalated when the head of the Referees’ Union Costas Constandinou said Agapiou was using his position as AEL chairman for political gain.

Following Saturday’s incidents, Agapiou took heavy flak from many quarters for inciting the violence through his militant stance. His detractors said he should have exercised moderation as he was full aware a high-risk game was coming up.

Next a whole debate opened up on whether it was proper or ethical for political figures to be directly involved in football, given the history of sport in Cyprus. But even as politicians argued that football should be rid of party partisanship, they inadvertently – and perhaps inevitably – lent weight precisely to that perception.

This was aptly illustrated yesterday at a live CyBC news show, where deputies from three parties all deplored the politicisation of football. In the heat of the discussion, all the speakers mentioned certain political figures who serve, or have served, as club presidents. But none of them named a person belonging to their own party, only of other parties. That triggered an exchange, with each deputy ending up defending his party.

More of the same followed, as Agapiou’s party AKEL tacitly backed the deputy, blaming it all on the police. On the other hand, opposition parties – especially the United Democrats – labelled Agapiou as the instigator of the troubles.

And yesterday AKEL took its argument a step further, implying that the wrath hurled at Agapiou was a veiled attack on the communist party using football as an excuse.

Although there may be some truth to all of the theories, the fact remains that there is lot to be desired when it comes to containment and prevention. The 300 policemen deployed for the game were nowhere near enough to control the thousands of fans that ran amok.

Critics have also said the stadium was flanked by construction sites, providing ample munitions to hooligans as they fought pitched battles with police. They therefore wonder why a different venue could not have been chosen.

Meanwhile a bill proposing anti-hooliganism measures and stadium safety has been gathering dust for months now. The legislation, pending before the House Legal Affairs Committee, proposes introducing a computerised ticketing system, stewards and the installation of CCTV at football venues. And thoughts of conducting games behind closed doors have failed to materialise.

Police say clubs are not co-operating in isolating known troublemakers and barring them from the stadiums. For their part, the clubs insist they are unable to provide that information.
Yesterday the Greens proposed that, as an initial measure, all high-risk matches should be made off limits to fans. In this way, clubs would feel the pressure from loss of revenue and would be forced to blacklist hooligans.

Commentators say, however, that the football association is unlikely to go along with an idea as drastic as that. The CFA’s board itself is comprised of representatives of the clubs, and it follows that they have vested interests. What’s more, the last thing debt-ridden clubs want to hear about is not being allowed to sell tickets.

Still, the loss of human life this past weekend might prove enough to jolt the interested parties into action.

Justice Minister Doros Theodorou yesterday tried to put matters into perspective:
“It’s high time we all assumed our responsibilities… if we do not, I fear that Marios Malekos’ death will not be the last.”